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Such shifts in the focus of diplomatic activity raise questions about which changes in modern diplomacy will have longer term impacts, as well as if and how governments should respond to those changes. As a matter of course, governments are always using new technical instruments. Such intervention can hinder or accelerate diplomacy, for example in the collection and processing of information.

At the same time, when diplomats appear more visible to the public thanks to the digital revolution, they stand more in the shadow of other foreign policy actors.

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In fact, professional diplomacy as a whole tends to be overshadowed at least partially by the activities of traditionally non-diplomatic actors. Digitization must be used in such a way that gains in efficiency are not made at the expense of efficacy;. At the same time, the principles of representative democracy must be kept intact; if not, the state will suffer damage to the legitimacy of its system of governance. Otto von Bismarck, first chancellor of the German empire of , described diplomacy as the never-ending negotiation of reciprocal concessions between states. If that is the case, then today we face the question of the purpose of such a time-consuming art of managing international relations.

Its insights into modern diplomacy, however, concern not only Germany. The essays in this volume from participants of the working group reflect a broad spectrum of analyses. Changes in the structure of the international community have made continual adaptations in diplomacy tactics necessary. Additionally, new communication devices and a growing number of state and non-state actors influence foreign policy.

Diplomats are bureaucrats of sorts, and certain traits of their personalities play significant roles in their specific professional activities. Today, this social diversification, and in some ways even fragmentation, reaches far. And these are only a few examples. Andrew Cooper analyses this question further in his chapter.

At the same time, decisions made at the top of the hierarchy may be adapted to what they regard as the requirements of society by civil servants even at the lower operational level. Hierarchy and bureaucratization have always been the means to restrict accumulation of power. However, the high level of external influences besides the government or even outside of the state reduces the influence of individual diplomats.


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This imbalance might even threaten the democratic principle of the responsibility of governmental action. Emillie V. This burden can be quantified as the period of time available for the receipt of an item of information and subsequent consultation about it: the less time there is, the greater the pressure on the decision maker. Physical factors such as lengthy nightly conferences, travel across multiple time zones, and overloaded schedules only add to the strain. Therefore there is a greater risk that wrong decisions will be made, not due to an erroneous comprehension of the known facts a risk always at hand given the imperfection and incompleteness of human knowledge , but because time is restricted for the processing of and reflection on facts and possible courses of action.

Therefore, instead of only gathering information, diplomacy must also distil it usefully and competently.

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However, digital communication has to balance efficiency enhancement through increased speed, and effectiveness enhancement through calculability. However, they strive to promote dialogue with domestic and international publics. Therefore, modern diplomats are unavoidably under pressure to use social media. This means that they are approachable and open to public criticism via digital platforms. Social media exchange with official dialogue partners and interested publics creates a far-reaching network of connections with known and unknown, influential and powerless actors, observers, and participants.

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Currently, politics must be presentable and comprehensible for many publics. The need to communicate quickly and effectively with diverse publics results in oversimplified explanations that fail to reflect the true complexities of the matters at hand. Nevertheless, in all matters that are of major concern for member states, the EU is guided by the intergovernmental working institutions.

These mechanics have an impact on the diplomacy between the member states of the EU. Thus the need for global management has produced diplomacy and diplomats that represent their national interests and supranational aims at the same time. In his chapter Hanns W.

All of these attempt to influence a society or the community of states. Karsten D. Voigt analyses some of these processes in his chapter concerning the EU. Official politics is reduced to attempts to manage the situations that result from incidents outside their sphere of influence. Political participation takes place across borders, and not only in times of crises and wars.

Here, foreign ministries are hardly poised to moderate negotiations anymore. Presumably, civil society is only occasionally aware of the full impact of globalization on international events. Thus, not only politicians, but also diplomats are forced to suggest actions that promise satisfactory solutions to publics. However, civil society or other actors regularly attempt to take things into their own hands — usually through the institutionalization and organization of publics. This sometimes makes it possible to accomplish aims that had been abandoned by traditional diplomacy.

The achievements of the Paris Climate Conference in , as R. Zaharna points out, would not have been possible and the conference might not have taken place at all without the lobbying of highly active NGOs, which worked together for a long period with politicians and diplomats. Like any other form of governance, diplomacy strives to be successful. Its achievements are measured along predetermined guidelines and are judged on the value of the aims it achieved or failed to realize. However, some parts of national publics still identify with the nation-states of the past. They expect that they will be represented by them and accept that the representation of their interests may lead to substantial conflict with other nation-states.

Zaharna addresses emotionality as a determining dynamic element of foreign policy in her chapter. The question of whether the present societal and global changes will be the catalyst for homogenization or heterogenization of diplomacy remains unanswered in this volume. At the same time, their own intellectual traditions play an additional role. As Kim B. The role of diplomacy in the 21 st century is less clearly defined than in the past. Its influence on the organization of the international order is decreasing. An answer will eventually be determined by whether the governmental activity of democracies can gain or re-establish the indispensable trust of citizens in the representative institutions of foreign policy.

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Equipped with only an impressionistic body of practical knowledge about the use of economic force, diplomats from the United States and the member states of the European Union EU are struggling to keep up with an increasing reliance on ever more sophisticated economic sanctions in the pursuit of national security and foreign policy objectives.

Until now, there exists not a single official American or European doctrine that could provide guidance for the use of economic force. This intellectual imbalance can hardly be justified given that military and economic power occupy opposite sides of the same coin.

This shift away from the use of armed to economic force was mainly driven by three technological and societal developments: firstly, the development of nuclear weapons led to a rapid decline of the utility of armed force, since its actual use among major powers would have assured their mutual destruction.

Later on, armed force also turned out to be a rather blunt and therefore ineffective instrument to cope with unconventional threats posed by limited or collapsing statehood, transnational violent extremism, and organized crime. This is not to say that armed forced completely ceased to be used, as the continuation of covert operations and other types of limited use of armed force such as drones or cyber warfare amply demonstrates to this day. This shift in statecraft has been most pronounced in the United States; here the Department of the Treasury now occupies a central role in foreign policy and national security policy-making, overseeing a vast regime of unilateral economic sanctions employed against state and non-state actors around the world.

Within the Department of the Treasury, the Office of Foreign Assets Control OFAC is the lead agency that implements and enforces financial and trade sanctions under national emergency powers granted by Congress to the president pursuant to two key statutes: the Trading with the Enemy Act of and the International Emergency Economic Powers Act of Every U.

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Roosevelt has utilized these economic sanctions to conduct U. Under the George W. The increasing reliance on trade and financial sanctions elevated senior officials from the Department of the Treasury to pursue diplomatic missions to garner support for, and offer warnings about, non-compliance with unilateral U. Whereas the threat of being side-lined by other bureaucratic and non-state actors in the conduct of diplomacy had been feared by diplomats in the past, the current marginalization of the Department of State is truly unprecedented.

The soaring use of economic sanctions by U. This expertise mostly resided in finance or trade ministries, central banks, and the private sector. In the United States, the demand for this specialized economic knowledge has been supplied and operationalized by a new bureaucratic cast whose members are neither diplomats nor soldiers. Notwithstanding, they take on tasks that used to be assigned exclusively to diplomats, such as negotiating with foreign governments and their home companies about cooperating on the design, implementation and enforcement of economic sanctions.

The rise of these financial warriors has so far only been documented in autobiographical accounts of former protagonists. Having dethroned mercantilism as a dominant paradigm of international political economy, liberal ideas exerted a lasting impact on decision-makers, as evidenced in the words of former U. In particular, the use of economic sanctions stretches back as far as the city states of ancient Greece. In the past, scholarship overwhelmingly neglected the economic means available to diplomats. David A. Due to their vast body of specialized and general knowledge, acquired through systematic education and training, diplomats must continue to play a central role in the design, implementation, and enforcement of economic sanctions.

As Sir Robert F. A second career path with a focus on specialized training for tasks such as designing and implementing trade and financial sanctions could be a viable solution. The challenge to diplomacy for numerous Western countries has become domestic in nature. Unlike in that earlier era, there has been no outright abandonment of international organizations IOs , as punctuated by the failure of the League of Nations. Rather than disappearing, IOs have proliferated, albeit with a bias towards informal self-selected forums including the G20 and the Financial Stability Board.

In many ways, liberal internationalism continues to hold sway, at least as judged by the degree of complex interdependence. Instead of the hold of autarchy with large national champions having exclusive authority in zones of control , it is the image of hyper-globalization that defines the 21 st century. Moreover, reflecting this kind of pluralism, it is no longer a hegemonic or unipolar era. At the core of the current dilemma is that diplomacy and its institutions are contested and stigmatized domestically by populist forces.

On top of all this, of course, is the concerted challenge to contemporary diplomatic culture that U. President Donald Trump presents. On one level, to be sure, Trump can be depicted as a return to an older type of diplomacy. After all, small states were among those that experienced the heaviest diplomatic casualties of the global financial crisis. That the contested view of diplomacy and diplomats is most robust in countries at the core of the international system, is a dynamic that can only be understood in the context of a backlash against a wider segment of established institutional culture.

Foreign ministries have become more fragile in their standing across a wide spectrum of countries.